Senior Fellow on leave | Expert in international relations, diplomacy, and Israeli foreign policy
Dr. Emmanuel Navon is an international relations scholar, author, and diplomat. As of August 2026, he is on leave from the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security while serving as Israel’s Ambassador to Japan.
At JISS, Dr. Navon’s research has focused on Israel’s foreign policy, European–Middle East relations, the changing international order, energy security, and the strategic challenges facing democratic states. He has contributed policy papers, strategic analyses, public lectures, and media commentary aimed at informing both Israeli and international policy debates.
Dr. Navon taught international relations and diplomatic studies at Tel Aviv University for twenty-four years. His courses addressed Israel’s foreign policy, diplomacy, geopolitics, globalization, European foreign policy, and the evolution of the international system. In 2022, he received the Faculty of Social Sciences Award for Excellence in Teaching. His university teaching career began at Bar-Ilan University, and he subsequently taught at Reichman University and Israel’s National Security College.
He is the author of four published books and numerous academic and policy articles. His work has appeared in peer-reviewed journals including Review of International Studies and the Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, as well as in international publications such as Le Monde and Newsweek. His book The Star and the Scepter: A Diplomatic History of Israel (Jewish Publication Society/University of Nebraska Press, 2020) has been translated into Hebrew, Chinese, Japanese, French, and Italian. He has also completed The Continent and the High Seas, a study of the historical and structural forces reshaping the international system and the global balance of power.
Dr. Navon has addressed government officials, diplomats, military officers, policy experts, and academic audiences across Europe, North America, Asia, and Africa. His speaking engagements have included the American Enterprise Institute, AIPAC, the Jewish Federations of North America, Georgetown University, Columbia University, and Rice University. He has appeared regularly in American, French, Israeli, and international media, including Voice of America, France 24, i24NEWS, and the Knesset Channel.
Alongside his academic career, Dr. Navon held senior leadership positions in public policy and international affairs. He served as CEO of ELNET-Israel, as head of the Political Science and Communication programme at the Jerusalem Haredi College, as CEO of the Business Network for International Cooperation, and as a founding partner of the Navon-Levy Group. From January to July 2026, he founded and served as CEO of the Euro-Med Middle East Council, a policy institute devoted to strategic cooperation between Europe, Israel, and partners across the Mediterranean.
Born in Paris in 1971, Dr. Navon graduated from Sciences Po and earned his doctorate in international relations from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He immigrated to Israel in 1993 and served in the Israel Defense Forces. He is fluent in Hebrew, English, and French, has working knowledge of Italian and German, and is learning Japanese. He is married, a father and grandfather, and an active triathlete.
Home page / COMMENTS ON THE WAR IN GAZA / Risks and Opportunities of UNSC Resolution 2803
Risks and Opportunities of UNSC Resolution 2803
Photo: IMAGO / Anadolu Agency
The UN Security Council endorsed President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan for Gaza on November XX, granting international legitimacy to a cease-fire architecture designed in Washington. The resolution, adopted with 13 votes in favor and only Russia and China abstaining, authorizes an International Stabilization Force in Gaza and lays out a conditional roadmap toward Palestinian self-determination.
This is an unfamiliar diplomatic moment for Israel: The United Nations is not condemning Israel but rather backing a United States-led plan that includes demilitarizing Hamas, reconstructing Gaza under international oversight, and preventing a return to the status quo ante. At first glance, this looks like a strategic win. But the fine print matters, and so does the regional context.
Russia and China did not veto the resolution. Instead, they abstained, warning against what they described as “complete control” over Gaza being placed under a U.S.-dominated structure, with insufficient transparency and unclear UN oversight. Their message is clear: they will tolerate this arrangement for now, but they remain wary of Washington consolidating authority in the Middle East. Their abstention avoids alienating Arab partners while preserving leverage over future phases of the process.
For Israel, the demilitarization mandate is substantial. Since 2005, every attempt to improve life in Gaza has collapsed on the anvil of Hamas’s military buildup. The new International Stabilization Force is explicitly tasked with dismantling that threat, not merely containing it.
If this is done thoroughly, Israel’s southern border could finally gain durable security without indefinite IDF control over two million Gazans.
Yet embedded within the resolution is language that could eventually constrain Israel’s strategic freedom of action: a “pathway” toward Palestinian statehood is indeed conditional, but it is now anchored in a binding Security Council resolution. Israel has always insisted that territorial and political arrangements must follow rather than precede ironclad security guarantees. That conditionality must now be defended at every stage.
Israel will also need to guard against mission creep. The “Board of Peace” steering governance in Gaza with the U.S. at the helm could evolve into a body claiming authority over key security prerogatives. Israel must ensure the ISF operates as a partner, not a replacement for Israeli defense planning.
The regional chessboard is shifting as well. On the eve of the resolution, Trump announced his intention to approve the sale of advanced F-35 stealth fighters to Saudi Arabia. If tied to normalization, this could reshape Middle Eastern security in ways Israel has dreamed of for decades. But if handed to Riyadh with no strategic quid pro quo, it risks eroding Israel’s qualitative military edge, the bedrock of its deterrence.
That is the real test ahead: ensuring the Gaza track and the Saudi track reinforce each other, rather than creating new vulnerabilities. Washington would like to see Israel accept a more formal political horizon for the Palestinians in exchange for deeper regional integration.
So what should Israel do?
First, make demilitarization non-negotiable and front-loaded. No reconstruction funds before every tunnel and every launcher is dismantled.
Second, insist on operational coordination with the ISF at all levels: intelligence, border control, and rules of engagement.
Third, tie any progress on the political track for Palestinians to explicit and verifiable benchmarks, not vague promises of “readiness.”
Finally, press the U.S. to synchronize regional diplomacy: Israeli-Saudi normalization must not be delayed until the final stage. It should be the engine and not the reward of this new architecture.
The UNSC’s endorsement of the Trump plan constitutes a mixed blessing at best. Israel should be proactive to make sure that Resolution 2803 leads to a safer Gaza border and to a stronger regional coalition.
JISS Policy Papers are published through the generosity of the Greg Rosshandler Family.
may interest you
“Iran in Light of the Nuclear Talks” – Biweekly Status Report (May 11 – May 25, 2025)
Star Wars Rebooted
The Japan, China, Iran Triangle: Strategic Implications for Israel
Trump’s Initiative to Normalize Russia and End the War in Ukraine: Initial Strategic Implications
The Palestinian Authority’s ‘Pay-to-Slay’ Reform is a Sham
President Trump’s Gaza Proposal Shifts the Diplomatic Landscape
Navigating Uncertainty: U.S.-Indonesian Relations in Trump’s Second Term
Europe Can and Should be Part of Israel’s Victory
Dr. Emmanuel Navon
Senior Fellow on leave | Expert in international relations, diplomacy, and Israeli foreign policy
Dr. Emmanuel Navon is an international relations scholar, author, and diplomat. As of August 2026, he is on leave from the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security while serving as Israel’s Ambassador to Japan.
At JISS, Dr. Navon’s research has focused on Israel’s foreign policy, European–Middle East relations, the changing international order, energy security, and the strategic challenges facing democratic states. He has contributed policy papers, strategic analyses, public lectures, and media commentary aimed at informing both Israeli and international policy debates.
Dr. Navon taught international relations and diplomatic studies at Tel Aviv University for twenty-four years. His courses addressed Israel’s foreign policy, diplomacy, geopolitics, globalization, European foreign policy, and the evolution of the international system. In 2022, he received the Faculty of Social Sciences Award for Excellence in Teaching. His university teaching career began at Bar-Ilan University, and he subsequently taught at Reichman University and Israel’s National Security College.
He is the author of four published books and numerous academic and policy articles. His work has appeared in peer-reviewed journals including Review of International Studies and the Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, as well as in international publications such as Le Monde and Newsweek. His book The Star and the Scepter: A Diplomatic History of Israel (Jewish Publication Society/University of Nebraska Press, 2020) has been translated into Hebrew, Chinese, Japanese, French, and Italian. He has also completed The Continent and the High Seas, a study of the historical and structural forces reshaping the international system and the global balance of power.
Dr. Navon has addressed government officials, diplomats, military officers, policy experts, and academic audiences across Europe, North America, Asia, and Africa. His speaking engagements have included the American Enterprise Institute, AIPAC, the Jewish Federations of North America, Georgetown University, Columbia University, and Rice University. He has appeared regularly in American, French, Israeli, and international media, including Voice of America, France 24, i24NEWS, and the Knesset Channel.
Alongside his academic career, Dr. Navon held senior leadership positions in public policy and international affairs. He served as CEO of ELNET-Israel, as head of the Political Science and Communication programme at the Jerusalem Haredi College, as CEO of the Business Network for International Cooperation, and as a founding partner of the Navon-Levy Group. From January to July 2026, he founded and served as CEO of the Euro-Med Middle East Council, a policy institute devoted to strategic cooperation between Europe, Israel, and partners across the Mediterranean.
Born in Paris in 1971, Dr. Navon graduated from Sciences Po and earned his doctorate in international relations from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He immigrated to Israel in 1993 and served in the Israel Defense Forces. He is fluent in Hebrew, English, and French, has working knowledge of Italian and German, and is learning Japanese. He is married, a father and grandfather, and an active triathlete.
Recent publications
Operation Economic Outcast and Iran’s Strategic Paralysis
JISS Newsletter – Rosh Hashanah
The Next Strategic Target: AI Infrastructure
By signing up, you agree to our user agreement (including the class action waiver and arbitration provisions), our privacy policy and cookie statement, and to receive marketing and billing emails from jiss. You can unsubscribe at any time.
Sign up for the newsletter
For up-to-date analysis and commentary.