By endorsing Trump’s plan for Gaza, the UN Security Council ushers in a rare diplomatic opening but also a perilous test of whether Israel can leverage global legitimacy without compromising its vital interests
The UN Security Council endorsed President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan for Gaza on November XX, granting international legitimacy to a cease-fire architecture designed in Washington. The resolution, adopted with 13 votes in favor and only Russia and China abstaining, authorizes an International Stabilization Force in Gaza and lays out a conditional roadmap toward Palestinian self-determination.
This is an unfamiliar diplomatic moment for Israel: The United Nations is not condemning Israel but rather backing a United States-led plan that includes demilitarizing Hamas, reconstructing Gaza under international oversight, and preventing a return to the status quo ante. At first glance, this looks like a strategic win. But the fine print matters, and so does the regional context.
Russia and China did not veto the resolution. Instead, they abstained, warning against what they described as “complete control” over Gaza being placed under a U.S.-dominated structure, with insufficient transparency and unclear UN oversight. Their message is clear: they will tolerate this arrangement for now, but they remain wary of Washington consolidating authority in the Middle East. Their abstention avoids alienating Arab partners while preserving leverage over future phases of the process.
For Israel, the demilitarization mandate is substantial. Since 2005, every attempt to improve life in Gaza has collapsed on the anvil of Hamas’s military buildup. The new International Stabilization Force is explicitly tasked with dismantling that threat, not merely containing it. If this is done thoroughly, Israel’s southern border could finally gain durable security without indefinite IDF control over two million Gazans.
Yet embedded within the resolution is language that could eventually constrain Israel’s strategic freedom of action: a “pathway” toward Palestinian statehood is indeed conditional, but it is now anchored in a binding Security Council resolution. Israel has always insisted that territorial and political arrangements must follow rather than precede ironclad security guarantees. That conditionality must now be defended at every stage.
Israel will also need to guard against mission creep. The “Board of Peace” steering governance in Gaza with the U.S. at the helm could evolve into a body claiming authority over key security prerogatives. Israel must ensure the ISF operates as a partner, not a replacement for Israeli defense planning.
The regional chessboard is shifting as well. On the eve of the resolution, Trump announced his intention to approve the sale of advanced F-35 stealth fighters to Saudi Arabia. If tied to normalization, this could reshape Middle Eastern security in ways Israel has dreamed of for decades. But if handed to Riyadh with no strategic quid pro quo, it risks eroding Israel’s qualitative military edge, the bedrock of its deterrence.
That is the real test ahead: ensuring the Gaza track and the Saudi track reinforce each other, rather than creating new vulnerabilities. Washington would like to see Israel accept a more formal political horizon for the Palestinians in exchange for deeper regional integration.
So what should Israel do?
First, make demilitarization non-negotiable and front-loaded. No reconstruction funds before every tunnel and every launcher is dismantled.
Second, insist on operational coordination with the ISF at all levels: intelligence, border control, and rules of engagement.
Third, tie any progress on the political track for Palestinians to explicit and verifiable benchmarks, not vague promises of “readiness.”
Finally, press the U.S. to synchronize regional diplomacy: Israeli-Saudi normalization must not be delayed until the final stage. It should be the engine and not the reward of this new architecture.
The UNSC’s endorsement of the Trump plan constitutes a mixed blessing at best. Israel should be proactive to make sure that Resolution 2803 leads to a safer Gaza border and to a stronger regional coalition.
JISS Policy Papers are published through the generosity of the Greg Rosshandler Family.
Dr. Emmanuel Navon is an International Relations scholar and author. He lectures International Relations at Tel Aviv University (He was awarded the “Best Professor of the Year” prize by the Faculty of Social Sciences in 2022), is a Senior Fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS), and a foreign affairs analyst for i24news. He has also taught at Reichman University and at the IDF’s National Security College.
Dr. Navon has authored four books and dozens of articles that have appeared in prestigious journals such as the Review of International Studies and the Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, and in world-class newspapers such as Le Monde and Newsweek. His book The Star and the Scepter: A Diplomatic History of Israel (Jewish Publication Society/University of Nebraska Press, 2020) is an academic reference, which has been translated so far to Hebrew, Chinese, Japanese, French, and Italian.
A sought-after public speaker, Navon has addressed the American Enterprise Institute, AIPAC, the Jewish Federations of North America, as well as leading universities such as Georgetown, Columbia, and Rice. Navon is a frequent guest for American, French, and Israeli media, and he has appeared on Voice of America, on France 24, and on the Knesset Channel.
Previously, Navon served as CEO of ELNET-Israel (the Israel office, and central hub, of the largest pro-Israel organization in Europe); as head of the Political Science and Communication Department at the Jerusalem Haredi College (affiliated to Bar-Ilan University); as founding partner of the Navon-Levy Group (a consultancy that promoted Israeli agricultural and energy projects in sub-Saharan Africa); as CEO of BNIC (an NGO that trained Israeli business leaders in diplomatic advocacy); and as consultant with ARTTIC (a leading European consulting firm specialized in R&D funding).
Dr. Navon was born in Paris, France, in 1971 and went to a bilingual (French/English) school. He graduated in public administration from Sciences-Po, one of Europe’s most prestigious universities. In 1993 he moved to Israel, enrolled in the IDF, and earned a Ph.D. in international relations from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He is equally and perfectly fluent in English, French, and Hebrew, and is conversant in German and Italian. He is a husband, father, grandfather, and an active triathlete.
How the same Quds Force network that targets dissidents and Jewish communities in Europe also...
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Home page / COMMENTS ON THE WAR IN GAZA / Risks and Opportunities of UNSC Resolution 2803
Risks and Opportunities of UNSC Resolution 2803
Photo: IMAGO / Anadolu Agency
The UN Security Council endorsed President Donald Trump’s 20-point plan for Gaza on November XX, granting international legitimacy to a cease-fire architecture designed in Washington. The resolution, adopted with 13 votes in favor and only Russia and China abstaining, authorizes an International Stabilization Force in Gaza and lays out a conditional roadmap toward Palestinian self-determination.
This is an unfamiliar diplomatic moment for Israel: The United Nations is not condemning Israel but rather backing a United States-led plan that includes demilitarizing Hamas, reconstructing Gaza under international oversight, and preventing a return to the status quo ante. At first glance, this looks like a strategic win. But the fine print matters, and so does the regional context.
Russia and China did not veto the resolution. Instead, they abstained, warning against what they described as “complete control” over Gaza being placed under a U.S.-dominated structure, with insufficient transparency and unclear UN oversight. Their message is clear: they will tolerate this arrangement for now, but they remain wary of Washington consolidating authority in the Middle East. Their abstention avoids alienating Arab partners while preserving leverage over future phases of the process.
For Israel, the demilitarization mandate is substantial. Since 2005, every attempt to improve life in Gaza has collapsed on the anvil of Hamas’s military buildup. The new International Stabilization Force is explicitly tasked with dismantling that threat, not merely containing it.
If this is done thoroughly, Israel’s southern border could finally gain durable security without indefinite IDF control over two million Gazans.
Yet embedded within the resolution is language that could eventually constrain Israel’s strategic freedom of action: a “pathway” toward Palestinian statehood is indeed conditional, but it is now anchored in a binding Security Council resolution. Israel has always insisted that territorial and political arrangements must follow rather than precede ironclad security guarantees. That conditionality must now be defended at every stage.
Israel will also need to guard against mission creep. The “Board of Peace” steering governance in Gaza with the U.S. at the helm could evolve into a body claiming authority over key security prerogatives. Israel must ensure the ISF operates as a partner, not a replacement for Israeli defense planning.
The regional chessboard is shifting as well. On the eve of the resolution, Trump announced his intention to approve the sale of advanced F-35 stealth fighters to Saudi Arabia. If tied to normalization, this could reshape Middle Eastern security in ways Israel has dreamed of for decades. But if handed to Riyadh with no strategic quid pro quo, it risks eroding Israel’s qualitative military edge, the bedrock of its deterrence.
That is the real test ahead: ensuring the Gaza track and the Saudi track reinforce each other, rather than creating new vulnerabilities. Washington would like to see Israel accept a more formal political horizon for the Palestinians in exchange for deeper regional integration.
So what should Israel do?
First, make demilitarization non-negotiable and front-loaded. No reconstruction funds before every tunnel and every launcher is dismantled.
Second, insist on operational coordination with the ISF at all levels: intelligence, border control, and rules of engagement.
Third, tie any progress on the political track for Palestinians to explicit and verifiable benchmarks, not vague promises of “readiness.”
Finally, press the U.S. to synchronize regional diplomacy: Israeli-Saudi normalization must not be delayed until the final stage. It should be the engine and not the reward of this new architecture.
The UNSC’s endorsement of the Trump plan constitutes a mixed blessing at best. Israel should be proactive to make sure that Resolution 2803 leads to a safer Gaza border and to a stronger regional coalition.
JISS Policy Papers are published through the generosity of the Greg Rosshandler Family.
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Dr. Emmanuel Navon
Dr. Emmanuel Navon is an International Relations scholar and author. He lectures International Relations at Tel Aviv University (He was awarded the “Best Professor of the Year” prize by the Faculty of Social Sciences in 2022), is a Senior Fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS), and a foreign affairs analyst for i24news. He has also taught at Reichman University and at the IDF’s National Security College.
Dr. Navon has authored four books and dozens of articles that have appeared in prestigious journals such as the Review of International Studies and the Israel Journal of Foreign Affairs, and in world-class newspapers such as Le Monde and Newsweek. His book The Star and the Scepter: A Diplomatic History of Israel (Jewish Publication Society/University of Nebraska Press, 2020) is an academic reference, which has been translated so far to Hebrew, Chinese, Japanese, French, and Italian.
A sought-after public speaker, Navon has addressed the American Enterprise Institute, AIPAC, the Jewish Federations of North America, as well as leading universities such as Georgetown, Columbia, and Rice. Navon is a frequent guest for American, French, and Israeli media, and he has appeared on Voice of America, on France 24, and on the Knesset Channel.
Previously, Navon served as CEO of ELNET-Israel (the Israel office, and central hub, of the largest pro-Israel organization in Europe); as head of the Political Science and Communication Department at the Jerusalem Haredi College (affiliated to Bar-Ilan University); as founding partner of the Navon-Levy Group (a consultancy that promoted Israeli agricultural and energy projects in sub-Saharan Africa); as CEO of BNIC (an NGO that trained Israeli business leaders in diplomatic advocacy); and as consultant with ARTTIC (a leading European consulting firm specialized in R&D funding).
Dr. Navon was born in Paris, France, in 1971 and went to a bilingual (French/English) school. He graduated in public administration from Sciences-Po, one of Europe’s most prestigious universities. In 1993 he moved to Israel, enrolled in the IDF, and earned a Ph.D. in international relations from the Hebrew University of Jerusalem. He is equally and perfectly fluent in English, French, and Hebrew, and is conversant in German and Italian. He is a husband, father, grandfather, and an active triathlete.
Recent publications
Free the Middle East from the Logic of Hatred
Palestinian and Arab Media Coverage of the Hamas Operatives Trapped in the Rafah Tunnels
Iranian State Terrorism: Part II
Tehran’s Hybrid War in Europe and the Caucasus
By signing up, you agree to our user agreement (including the class action waiver and arbitration provisions), our privacy policy and cookie statement, and to receive marketing and billing emails from jiss. You can unsubscribe at any time.
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