Recent reports citing Israeli security sources have raised the possibility that Qatari entities may be behind a series of social media reports disseminated in recent weeks intended to sow doubts in Israel regarding the stability of its peace treaty with Egypt. These reports, widely shared in Israeli media, have focused on Egypt’s military build-up and intensified troop deployments in the Sinai Peninsula—deployments that constitute violations of the peace treaty.
However, an investigation conducted by Fake Reporter, an Israeli civil society group dedicated to uncovering malicious online activities, indicates that in recent weeks there has been a sharp rise in social media promotion of narratives portraying Egypt as an increasing threat to Israel. Some videos and images included in these reports as supporting evidence, in fact originate from a 2018 Egyptian military exercise. Although the claims regarding Egypt’s military build-up are indeed accurate, it appears that a deliberate effort is underway by an unknown party to frame these developments as having aggressive intentions toward Israel. These reports may have been disseminated to weaken Egypt’s position as a mediator with the United States on broader Middle East issues—particularly regarding Gaza.
If confirmed as a Qatari disinformation campaign, this would represent another component of Doha’s extensive and multifaceted influence network, which has recently drawn attention both due to the fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria and Qatar’s mediation in hostage negotiations. In Israel, concerns have grown over Qatar’s attempts at influence, such as employing Israeli PR experts—including some who advised Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu—in campaigns aimed at improving Doha’s image in global public opinion and within the Jewish world. Such tactics are hardly new for the tiny Gulf emirate.
While research over the past decade has primarily focused on Russian, Chinese, and Iranian influence operations, Qatar has largely escaped comparable scrutiny—unjustifiably so. Starting in January 2019, a series of investigative reports published by Reuters unveiled Project RAVEN—a covert Emirati campaign that took place over a period of years in which former NSA operatives were hired to collect intelligence on targets in Turkey, France, Yemen, Iran, Qatar, and Israel. These disclosures revealed the scope of Qatari influence operations worldwide, which ranged from bolstering terrorist groups and regimes favorable to Doha in the West to seeking regime change in Arab countries.
Qatar was involved in the overthrow of Muammar Qaddafi in Libya and was the first country to recognize the Libyan rebel government. Similarly, Qatar supported the formation of Tunisia’s new regime following the Arab Spring and provided both arms and financial support to Syrian rebels. Traditionally proactive in the Arab world, Qatar has recently sought to position itself as the leading Sunni power, pursuing multiple parallel avenues of influence:
Influence on Decision-Makers: Financial incentives provided to politicians and decision-makers represent a favored Qatari tactic. Beyond the bribery cases exposed by Project RAVEN, Nasser al-Khelaifi—a senior figure in the Qatari Investment Authority (QIA) and president of the French football club Paris Saint-Germain—was recently indicted in France on charges of attempting to influence business decisions through bribes. In another case, U.S. Democratic Senator Bob Menendez was sentenced to 11 years in prison in 2024 for accepting bribes from Qatar and Egypt to advance Qatari interests. Qatar also finances trips to Doha for senior politicians and journalists. Several U.S. federal investigations have examined whether lobbyists and former government officials working on Qatar’s behalf violated lobbying laws. A notable 2018 investigation examined a multimillion-dollar lobbying campaign that brought 250 associates of President Trump (during his first term) to Doha with all expenses paid by Qatar. Similarly, during the 2022 FIFA World Cup, Qatar flew Congresswoman Ilhan Omar to Doha, and British Labour leader Keir Starmer acknowledged having traveled there at Qatar’s expense while serving as a Member of Parliament. In Europe, the major airlines’ lobby (ENAA) recently alerted the EU transportation authority about suspected corruption related to an aviation deal between Qatar and the EU.
Qatar’s money machine also channels substantial funds toward U.S. lawmakers. In 2018 alone, fifty-nine members of Congress received donations from Qatar. Influential Washington think tanks, too, appear regularly on Qatar’s payroll and Doha is a major source of finance for the think tanks who provide policy recommendations for U.S. decision-makers. In June 2022, it was revealed that General John Allen, president of the Brookings Institution, was under investigation for secretly lobbying for Qatar after his retirement from the military, receiving over $1 million in remuneration. Allen allegedly collaborated with Richard Olson, a former U.S. ambassador to Pakistan and the UAE, who later admitted involvement in Qatar’s lobbying activities.
In Europe, the “Qatargate” scandal uncovered Qatari financial transfers to European Parliament members—including Antonio Panzeri from Italy and Eva Kaili, vice president of the European Parliament from Greece—to secure favorable votes for Qatar. These revelations led to heightened European awareness of Qatari-funded trips by parliamentarians and prompted ethics committees to tighten scrutiny over Qatari influence.
Western Asset Acquisition: Qatar also pursues influence through ownership of Western assets. Doha maintains considerable stakes in major European corporations like Porsche. Additionally, the Al-Udeid Air Base in Qatar, constructed with significant Qatari investment, is the largest U.S. military installation in the Middle East. Qatar has even sought to sway U.S. public opinion, exemplified by its multimillion-dollar donations to assist American families affected by the COVID-19 pandemic in cities including Los Angeles and Charleston, South Carolina.
Sports Diplomacy: Qatar regards sports as a crucial soft-power tool. Doha ran a determined campaign to secure hosting rights for the 2022 FIFA World Cup. According to recent reports, Qatar even hired Israeli PR experts to assist this effort. Qatar continues such initiatives, with recent attempts by Qatari investors to acquire the English soccer team Tottenham Hotspur FC and a campaign to host the 2027 Basketball World Cup. Senior Qatari officials, headed by Emir Tamim bin Hamad Al Thani, attended the opening ceremony of the Paris 2024 Olympics, where al-Khelaifi was awarded the honor of carrying the Olympic torch.
Diplomatic Influence: Qatar’s diplomatic mediation is of particular interest, as positioning itself as a mediator clearly has a prominent place on Doha’s agenda, and it invests significant efforts in this regard. Both the Biden and Trump administrations have praised Qatar’s mediating role in securing the release of American hostages held by the Taliban. Qatari officials regularly promote the emirate’s value as an honest mediator through prominent media, such as the Wall Street Journal and Newsweek. In Israel, Qatari Prime Minister Mohammed bin Abdulrahman Al Thani frequently granted interviews to local media, including Haaretz and Channel 12 TV; journalists from the Jerusalem Post and public broadcaster Kan 11 have been invited to Doha.
Educational Influence: According to research published in 2022, Qatar donated $4.7 billion to American universities from 2001 to 2021, including major institutions like Cornell, Georgetown, and Carnegie Mellon. In some cases, these donations were conditional on the establishment of campuses in Qatar. These university branches were required to remove content from their curricula and to cooperate with media outlets such as Al Jazeera. Qatar’s contributions to Texas A&M University alone amounted to $404 million between 2015 and 2023. (However, the university has announced that it will close its Doha branch starting in 2027—a decision that the U.S. ambassador to Qatar publicly regretted.) Qatar is the leading foreign donor to American universities—many of which have failed to report the source of these donations as required. A 2020 study by the ISGAP research institute found a direct correlation between the volume of Qatari donations and the presence of pro-Palestinian groups on American campuses.
Humanitarian Aid as a Cover for Supporting Terrorism: Qatar frequently employs humanitarian aid as a facade for backing terrorist groups. In order to maintain its influence in the Gaza Strip, Qatar insisted on the entry of humanitarian aid into the territory as part of the ceasefire between Israel and Hamas in early 2025. This aid included bulldozers and fuel. Additionally, Qatar pledged $100 million to UNRWA, including $4.5 million designated for the organization’s activities in Judea and Samaria. Similarly, Qatar provided funding to Hezbollah under the guise of charitable organizations aimed at education, food distribution, and medical aid for those in need. Qatar’s so-called “humanitarian” initiatives also served as a pretext for engagement with both the Houthi government in Yemen and senior Taliban regime officials in Afghanistan.
Media Influence: Qatar’s influential Al Jazeera network—today the world’s most popular English-language news channel after CNN and BBC—regularly amplifies Hamas and other Islamist extremist messaging, forbidding criticism of Hamas by its journalists. Recently, six Al Jazeera Gaza journalists were exposed as Hamas and Islamic Jihad operatives actively involved in choreographing ceremonies around Israeli hostages.
Qatar’s support for entities involved in terrorism is also evident in the role of its state-owned media network, Al Jazeera—currently the most popular English-language news channel in the world after CNN and the BBC—which serves as a mouthpiece for Hamas and has previously acted in the same role for other Islamist terrorist organizations. Founded in 1996, Al Jazeera has provided a platform for leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood since its inception and is known for its divisive coverage of events in the Arab world. Over the years, multiple Al Jazeera branches have been established, both in the Arab world and in the West, the most notable being AJ+, a digital platform operating in the United States. When it comes to Hamas, Al Jazeera presenters are prohibited from criticizing the organization or reporting on its activities in an unfavorable manner. Several months ago, it was revealed that six Al Jazeera journalists in Gaza were Hamas and Islamic Jihad operatives. Among other things, the network actively supported the staging and amplification of ceremonies related to the return of Israeli hostages.
In conclusion, Qatar is conducting a multi-pronged, global influence campaign to expand its regional and international influence. Additionally, through various channels of influence, Qatar is bolstering its position as a key player in the global economy and diplomatic arena.
In the Israeli context, Israel’s current reliance on Qatari mediation in the hostage issue forces it to pay lip service to one of Hamas’s two main financiers—without whose support, the organization would likely have been unable to carry out the October 7 atrocity. Moreover, Qatar is now actively working to help Hamas regain its footing. This underscores the sophistication of Qatar’s influence strategy and the necessity of monitoring and countering it.
JISS Policy Papers are published through the generosity of the Greg Rosshandler Family.
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