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Hezbollah’s Expanding Threat in Africa: A Looming Challenge for Israel and the U.S.

Flag of terrorist organization Hezbollah painted on the concrete wall. Gaza and Israel war. Terrorist organization Hezbollah

 The IDF is battling Hezbollah in Lebanon to enable Israel’s 85,000 displaced citizens to return safely to their homes. Less known is the significant security challenge Hezbollah poses to Israel and the United States in Africa. Hezbollah, with Iran’s backing, has steadily expanded its financial and operational presence across the African continent, establishing networks that could be weaponized against Western interests. This development represents not only a direct threat to Israel and the U.S. but also to the stability of fragile African states where Hezbollah has built strongholds. 

Iran’s Proxy in Africa

 Iran’s hegemonic ambitions in the Middle East are well-known, but its influence extends far beyond the region. By using Hezbollah as its proxy, Iran has penetrated several Latin American states. In African countries, Iran is exploiting weak institutions and porous borders to establish a Hezbollah foothold. While Hezbollah’s primary focus remains the Middle East, its financial and logistical networks in Africa are part of a broader strategy of gaining global influence. Hezbollah is involved in narcotraffic and terrorism. If conflict with Israel or the U.S. intensifies, Tehran could leverage the assets acquired to strike Western interests in Africa, expanding the scope of Middle Eastern hostilities. 

Hezbollah’s Financial Networks in West Africa

 One of Hezbollah’s most effective tools in Africa has been its ability to build financial networks, often through the Lebanese diaspora. In countries like Guinea, Sierra Leone, and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Hezbollah-linked businesses have taken root, generating significant financial resources that flow back to the group’s central command in Lebanon.

 An example of Hezbollah’s financial operations in Africa is Kassim Tajideen, a prominent businessman of Lebanese extract who used his commercial empire in Guinea and Sierra Leone to funnel money back to Hezbollah. Tajideen’s businesses were involved in food distribution, telecommunications, and real estate, providing essential revenue streams. In 2009, the U.S. Treasury Department sanctioned Tajideen for his role as a Hezbollah financier, and he was later extradited to the U.S. for money laundering activities across West Africa. His businesses not only provided direct financial support to Hezbollah but also engaged in illicit activities such as smuggling and tax evasion.

Hezbollah has also built a strong financial presence in Gambia, where the group has exploited the country’s financial sector to launder money. In 2010, the U.S. Treasury sanctioned the Euro African Group, a Gambian-based company run by Hussein Tajideen, Kassim Tajideen’s brother. According to U.S. intelligence, the group worked closely with other Hezbollah financiers across West Africa to funnel millions of dollars back to Lebanon, profits that have been used to fund Hezbollah’s military activities.

Hezbollah’s Diamond Trade in the DRC 

 In the Democratic Republic of Congo, Hezbollah has engaged in the illicit diamond trade, using the country’s weak regulatory environment to smuggle diamonds out of conflict zones. These diamonds, once sold on the international market, provide Hezbollah with a steady stream of liquid assets. The diamond trade is particularly valuable for Hezbollah because it allows the group to evade international financial sanctions. U.S. intelligence agencies have documented Hezbollah’s involvement in the trade, linking it to operatives in Kinshasa and Lubumbashi who act as middlemen for diamonds destined for Hezbollah’s financial networks. 

Hezbollah’s Criminal Syndicates in Africa 

 Hezbollah’s financial networks in Africa are also connected to its global criminal operations. In 2011, Ayman Joumaa, a Hezbollah operative, was indicted by the U.S. for laundering drug money from Latin American cartels through West African countries. Joumaa’s network was involved in shipping cocaine from South America to West Africa, with the proceeds funneled to Hezbollah through various money laundering schemes. The Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) has documented Hezbollah’s ties to South American drug cartels, using West Africa as a transit hub for narcotics. These profits have been critical to sustaining Hezbollah’s central position in Lebanese politics and military build-up.

Hezbollah’s Involvement in Charitable Networks  

Another way Hezbollah has built its financial presence in Africa is through charitable organizations that serve as fronts for fundraising, similar to the modus operandi in other continents. In Nigeria, Hezbollah-linked charities have raised money under the guise of supporting the Lebanese diaspora but are, in reality, key components of Hezbollah’s financial networks. One such organization, the Al-Qard Al-Hassan Association, has been identified by U.S. authorities as a financial front for Hezbollah. 

 Hezbollah cooperates with the Iranian Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)

 The Houthis, an Iranian proxy in Yemen have benefited from the presence of Hezbollah operatives to learn how to operate Iranian missiles that are instrumental in blocking the Bab el Mandeb strait, an important international waterway. Their location allows for increased influence in the Horn of Africa and the Red Sea.

Indeed, the IRGC, particularly its elite Quds Force, plays a central role in Iran’s expansionist in Sudan, along the Red Sea. This partnership is of consequence in Sudan. Recently, the IRGC has forged close ties with General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, the head of Sudan’s military that is engaged in a civil war. In exchange for military support, such as drones and advanced weaponry, Iran is reportedly seeking to establish a naval base in Port Sudan. If successful, this base would give Iran and Hezbollah a new platform from which to launch attacks against Israeli and Western targets in the region. Sudan’s strategic location on the Red Sea is critical, providing access to international shipping lanes and acting as a gateway for IRGC and Hezbollah operations deeper into Africa. Through Hezbollah’s financial and logistical networks, supported by IRGC operatives, Iran can project power in aa new African arena. This collaboration allows the IRGC to strike U.S. and Israeli interests in Africa, while maintaining plausible deniability. The partnership between the IRGC and Hezbollah thus represents a direct threat to U.S. national security, as these actors seek to establish a contiguous zone of influence from the Mediterranean to the Atlantic, enveloping some of Africa’s most fragile states.

U.S. Intelligence and Law Enforcement Investigations

U.S. authorities have conducted several high-profile investigations and prosecutions targeting Hezbollah’s operations in Africa, focusing on drug trafficking and money laundering. Here are some key examples:

1. Joumaa Network Investigation (2011): The U.S. Treasury Department and Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) launched a major operation against the Hezbollah-linked Ayman Joumaa network, which was involved in drug trafficking and money laundering. Joumaa’s network facilitated the transportation of cocaine from South America through West Africa to Europe, laundering up to $200 million monthly for Mexican and Colombian cartels on behalf of Hezbollah.

2. Hezbollah’s African Car Smuggling and Money Laundering Scheme (2017): Lebanese businessman Oussama Salhab, based in Togo, was identified as a key figure in using the African used-car market to launder drug money. Investigations revealed that Salhab’s transport company moved used cars from the U.S. to Africa, with the revenue laundered and sent back to Hezbollah.

3. U.S. Treasury Designations: The U.S. Treasury’s Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) has imposed sanctions on Hezbollah financiers operating in Africa, including Adham Tabaja, who owns businesses in Lebanon and West Africa, which have been linked to Hezbollah’s funding enterprises.

Conclusion

Hezbollah’s extensive financial and operational networks in Africa, backed by the IRGC, represent a growing threat to U.S. and Western interests. The group’s ability to generate revenue through illicit activities provides it with the resources to sustain its military operations and prepare for future conflicts. As tensions between Iran, Israel, and the U.S. continue to grow, Hezbollah could use its African networks to carry out attacks on Western interests, turning the continent into a new battleground in the broader geopolitical struggle. Addressing this threat requires a coordinated effort between the U.S., Israel, and African governments to disrupt Hezbollah’s financial networks and prevent the group from using Africa as a launchpad for its future operations. The U.S. must adopt a more active strategy in Africa, encompassing security, economic development, and diplomatic engagement to counter Iran and Hezbollah’s influence. The U.S. should capitalize on the weakened Hezbollah position as result of Irael’s recent attacks. The war on Hezbollah is another facet of Israel’s battle against the enemies of the West.

The author thanks research assistant Meir Shapira, an intern at JISS.


JISS Policy Papers are published through the generosity of the Greg Rosshandler Family.


Photo: Shutterstock

Picture of Professor Efraim Inbar

Professor Efraim Inbar

Professor Inbar is director of the Jerusalem Institute for Strategy and Security (JISS). He was the founding director of the Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, a position he held for 23 years (1993-2016), and a professor of political studies at Bar-Ilan University. He has been a visiting professor at Georgetown, Johns Hopkins and Boston universities; a visiting scholar at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars; a Manfred Warner NATO Fellow; and a visiting fellow at the (London-based) International Institute for Strategic Studies. He was president of the Israel Association of International Studies; a member of the Political Strategic Committee of the National Planning Council; chairman of the National Security Curriculum committee in the Ministry of Education; and a member of the Academic Committee of the IDF History Department. He has authored five books: Outcast Countries in the World Community (1985), War and Peace in Israeli Politics. Labor Party Positions on National Security (1991), Rabin and Israel’s National Security (1999), The Israeli-Turkish Entente (2001), and Israel's National Security: Issues and Challenges since the Yom Kippur War (2008), and edited fourteen collections of scholarly articles. He is an expert on Israeli strategic doctrine, public opinion on national security issues, US Middle East policy, Israeli-Palestinian diplomacy, and Israel-Turkey relations.

Inbar holds a M.A and a Ph.D. from the University of Chicago, after finishing undergraduate studies in Political Science and English Literature at the Hebrew University in Jerusalem.

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