מכון מחקר מכוון מדיניות בנושאי חוץ וביטחון למען ישראל בטוחה

אלוף משנה (בדימוס) ד"ר ערן לרמן

סגן נשיא מכון ירושלים לאסטרטגיה ולביטחון.

ד"ר לרמן הוא שימש כסגן למדיניות חוץ ועניינים בינלאומיים במועצה לביטחון לאומי. הוא מילא תפקידים בכירים בצה"ל במשך למעלה מעשרים שנה. הוא שימש במשך שמונה שנים כמנהל המשרד לישראל והמזרח תיכון של הוועד היהודי האמריקני. הוא מלמד בתוכנית ללימודי המזה"ת במכללת שלם בירושלים, ובתוכניות לתואר שני באוניברסיטת תל אביב ובמכללה לביטחון לאומי. הוא מומחה ליחסי החוץ של ישראל ולמזרח התיכון. צבר, דור שלישי בארץ, ד"ר לרמן הוא בעל תואר דוקטור מאת London School of Economics, ובהמשך הקריירה קיבל תואר שני במנהל ציבורי (MPA) מאוניברסיטת הרווארד.

Netanyahu Speaks At UNGA 78

Jordan’s role in a possible Saudi-Israeli-American deal: A vital link in the chain

Amid the ongoing complex negotiations of Saudi-Israeli normalization, keeping the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan on board is essential. Despite grudges and occasional tensions, Jordan shares strategic interests with Saudi Arabia and stands to gain significant benefits once the proposed trade and transportation “corridor” from India to Europe passes through its territory. It is, therefore, advisable to leave the status quo in Jerusalem intact, and include Jordan in formulating any “package.”

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Minister of Foreign Affairs of Greece met with his Israeli counterpart Handshake of the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Israel Eli Cohen

Israel’s Priorities in the Eastern Mediterranean:The Tango with Turkey Has Limits

The first foreign minister to visit Greece after the swearing-in of Kyriakos Mitsotakis’ new government was Israel’s Eli Cohen – a sign that both countries see the importance of their relationship and the new alignment of forces in the Eastern Mediterranean. While new avenues of dialogue are opening between Jerusalem and Ankara – including a planned visit by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, officially confirmed by Erdogan – Israel’s priorities should remain firm. Pressure to agree to a gas pipeline to Turkey should be resisted. Regarding national security, the partnership with Greece and Cyprus is a game changer, giving Israel vital strategic depth during a conflict. Hence the importance of cooperation with both and support for Cyprus’s freedom to make its own foreign policy decisions.

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Palestinian violence

As tensions escalate, Israel is right to insist on reviving the regional framework

Under the impact of terrorist attacks on Israelis and lawless vigilante raids on Arab villages, it is difficult to envision a return to conflict management of the Palestinian issue. Moreover, reactions in the West seem to feed Palestinian expectations of a backlash against Israel hence a reluctance to return to the Aqaba process. However, as the Palestinian security forces know all too well, there are no good alternatives to resuming dialogue within the regional framework. Israel is right to insist on a rapid return to the table with US, Jordanian and Egyptian involvement. The meeting in Sharm el-Sheikh should focus on common security challenges while setting aside the broader issues of the future. It can also allay growing concerns in Washington about Israel’s direction. At the right time, Israel can and should use the process to air lingering concerns about the virulent public domain in Jordan (and Egypt) and the need for the PA to act more resolutely against terrorist groups.

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Missiles from Gaza towards Israeli jets

After Shield and Arrow, and facing Iran: Can Israel return to conflict management with the Palestinians?

With Operation Shield and Arrow in Gaza over, Israel must again focus on the challenge of Iran as a top priority. Given the urgency, now conveyed even by the US administration, the government must accelerate efforts to derail Tehran’s nuclear project. It is not the time to seek a defeat of Hamas or the collapse of the Palestinian Authority, but rather a continuation of conflict management. Israel should restore (albeit not fully trust) security cooperation with Ramallah, in the context of the process launched in Aqaba in late February; and in Gaza, to drive further the decoupling of Palestinian Islamic Jihad, an Iranian proxy, from the Hamas de facto government.

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